The Behavioral & Cultural Studies of Indigenous Psychology (Sikolohiyang Pilipino): Situating Filipino Virtues in Negative Light
Virgilio Enriquez, who is considered to be the “Ama ng Sikolohiyang Pilipino,” was able to situate a “culturally-appropriate science of psychology attuned to the nuances and differing cultural characteristics of the Filipino.” (in a lecture delivered by Dr. Contreras, QUALPOL 2012) Most often than not, Filipinos tend to adopt western ideals, standards and concepts into their everyday lives and understanding which is highly evident in our everyday interactions. I would not be surprised myself if some of my classmates would use western ideas of why governance fails and adapt it to the Philippine setting. As a nation with an extensive history and experience in foreign domination, this culturally strangling outcome does not and should not come as a shock.Enriquez, attempted to roll back all foreign conception of who a Filipino is behaviorally by deconstructing established western concept of who Filipinos are. Though he attempted to reverse all this traits back towards optimism, I would like to use it use it as a take-off point in locating ills in Philippine society.
“The Concomitant Trilogy of Values”
 |
| Utang na Loob. www.expatch.org |
More often than not, most especially during elections, we hear of statements such as: without the support of the business elite class, a politician (most especially if he is vying for a national seat) has to struggle through a needle’s eye to win. Sometimes, the politician has to woo the relevant people to garner support while in some fortuitous circumstances, these key people could also flock the candidate who has a large chance of winning which will eventually serve their interest while in office. Though we see this business-politics partnership blurring due to the rise of politicians hailing from the business sector (which has already fused both business and politics), some patterns of the previous one still exists. According to Hutchcroft (1998) in his seminal work entitled, “Booty Capitalism: The Politics of Banking in the Philippines,” this set-up could also be called “Patronage Politics” or “Padrino System” defined as the giving of “prefential access to material resources” as reward for electoral support. (Hutchcroft, 2008) In this set up, governance fails due to the obvious fact that resources which was tend to be allocated for public use and development was re-allocated into the hands of few as a way to repay debt.
In relation to the over-arching concept utang na loob, the idea pakikisama also comes into play. With the Filipino being bereft of the ability to say “no” especially to relatives’ requests and demands, critical people making governance choices (especially in government) are trapped with the response of head-nodding and yeses. Governance fails in this sense entirely because these people who are critical in making choices which are supposed to be geered towards public betterment are trapped into the idea of pakikisama which results into the ineffective redistribution of resources as a result of poor and pre-ordained governance decisions.
Lastly of the three, which appears to be highly intertwined with the previous two, is the value of hiya or shame which is the immediate result of the failure to deliver and adhere to utang na loob and pakikisama. If a kumpare’s request is not met or entertained, Filipinos tend to feel bad, shameful. Even if responding to the request is detrimental to more people, better be good in the eyes of a relative or friend than his constituency of strangers.
“Ibang Tao” as a category of “Kapwa” and its 5 domains
 |
| If only. Bayanihan Spirit. |
Pakikitungo in light of the context of governance can spell good things if pakikitungo is employed towards the larger constituency of the person making governance choices. The peril, however, lies if pakikitungo is directed just towards a privileged few. As what was mentioned, previously, this whole idea can be related to the idea of pakikisama and can be an-ill bastion of padrino politics.
Pakikisalamuha on the other hand is the deeper side of pakikitungo. In this set-up, deeper connections relate the two parties involved. In the case of the governance issue in the Philippines, this can be clearly manifested on the entrenchment of the common Filipino from the high-society affairs of his government official (in the case of governmence as made by the government) from the whole supposed-to-be collaborative effort on making governace or progress-related decisions. In the end, the government official finds himself in the company and demands of the powerful privileged class who all vie to be richer by the minute compared to the ordinary Filipino who is often deprived of basic necessities for living.
On my point of view, both pakikilahok (act of joining) and pakikibagay (conformity) fit in the same mold. Aside from the fact that both contribute to the failure of governance most often than not (certainly not always), both of these values prove to be disadvantageous and unfavorable in the environment to which both values are employed are not geered towards the betterment of the majority. One of the most posing example of this is the idea that the Philippines is perpetuated by the cacique class or the landowning class such as the Cojuangcos, Aquinos, Lacsons, Escuderos, Aranetas and the Roxases just to mention a few. Benedict Anderson, in his well-cited journal, “Cacique Democracy in the Philippines: Origins and Dreams” has operationalized the concept of the cacique rebranding it as a democratic type endemic to the Philippines noting that it refers to “powerful clans in the provinces who dominate the domestic political process” who are most often are the “local self-appointed bosses and wealthy landowners in the Hispanic-influenced Philippines.” (Anderson, 1988) Former Negros Occidental Sixth District Representative Hortensia Stark, a wealthy sugar planatation owner (relative of Jules Ledesma, also a congressman) was known to be a staunch opponent of land reform in the House of Representatives during her time. As a vocal protector of landlord interest in the House, she famously said, “Your land is like your most beautiful dress, the one that gives you good luck. If someone takes it from you, he only wants to destabilize you, to undress you.” (Coronel, Chua and Rimban, 2004) It was the final affirmation for the landed aristocracy’s victory in Congress.
According to Coronel, Chua, Riman and Cruz (2004) in their landmark book under the tutelage of the PCIJ (Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism) entitled, “The Rulemakers: How the Wealthy and the Well-Born Dominate Congress,” it is true that the landowning elite has been declining in popularity in the field of electoral politics in the present (as of the writing of the book) but around quarter of a century ago, these landed aristocracy’s preponderance especially in the Legislative branch of government was formidable. Attempts towards land and agrarian reform failed totally even during the time of President Ramon Magsaysay when it was thought that land and agrarian reform was at its golden age. In reality, Magsaysay faced insurmountable challenges especially at the landord-dominated congress of his time wherein his sponsored measures towards the reform were ultimatly dissolved. (Monk, 1990) Pakikilahok of the landowning elites in Congress was clearly at play in blocking the measures for land and agrarian reform even it proved to be serving only the interest of the privileged lords of lands.
(Important Note:This analysis is an agglomeration of CULPOLI, GOVERNA and POLSEM/SRP findings. This is because ever since being discussed on CULPOLI, I have used this template several times to situate my discussion at the level of the academe as it intersects with reality - predominantly, from my GOVERNA analysis/paper entitled: "The Economics of Political Survival in the Philippines
An Oversight on the Socio-Political Issues Besetting Governance in the Eyes of a Blessed and Well-endowed Class(in light of Behavioral Studies, Cultural Studies, Institutionalism and Structural-Functionalist Approaches)")
0 comments:
Post a Comment